What is the nature of the armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo? Is it a civil war, as constantly reported by the international media, or is it a war resulting from foreign aggression, as indicated by the authorities in Kinshasa? Irrespective of what one may think of the regime set up by Laurent-Désiré Kabila in the DRC, the legitimacy of his position needs to be recognised, especially considering that rebel groups only became active after the country was invaded by Rwanda and Uganda on 2 August 1998. Why did the war break out in the DRC? How is it that a country the size of an entire continent was invaded, occupied and exploited by much smaller states such as Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi? This article attempts to answer these questions.

During its long history, Denmark was able to pursue dominant foreign policy in her historical great power roles, while balancing normally was linked with her roles as a medium power. Until the 17th century, a policy of moderate dominance was the prevailing foreign policy mode, to be followed by a balancing mode, which lasted till 1864. The stunning defeat in that war reduced Danish option to a difficult choice between acquiescence and quiescence. Both are typical small state postures because of the lack of influence, but they differ on the sensitivity variable. The sensitive small state must adapt actively or passively to outside pressures, while the less sensitive small state may succeed in dodging situations where acquiescent adaptation would be required.

This paper attempts to understand the phenomenon of so-called 'unnatural' voting (right-wing voting by lower-status groups). Most scholars explain this phenomenon with cultural motives, such as working-class authoritarianism, yet they assume that it contradicts their economic interests and motives. Although my findings corroborate the importance of working-class authoritarianism, I contend that a working-class vote for the right can also be explained by economic attitudes. Drawing on the theory of populism, I will examine the relationship between cultural attitudes (including authoritarianism and ethnocentrism) and economic rightist attitudes concerning social policy and the welfare state. Economic populism is characterised by egalitarianism as well as anti-welfarism. By addressing economic populism, right-wing parties are able to reconcile their discourse with the economic attitudes of lower status groups. The empirical relevance of this hypothesis is tested on the case of Flanders (Belgium).